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Monday August 9, 1971:
Torture and Brutality in the North
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Internment - Summary of Main Events
"While internment in itself provided limited, if any, security benefits the social and political reaction which internment created far outweighed this. As a result violence increase for the rest of the year and the SDLP, the only major Catholic political party in Northern Ireland, refused to become involved in political talks while internment continued. It is clear, however, that the main winners from the introduction of internment were the Provisional IRA, ..."
Bew, P., and Gillespie, G. (1999) Northern Ireland: A Chronology of the Troubles 1968-1999. Dublin: Gill and Macmillan. [Page 37]For Operation Demetrius, as the internment drive was termed, was botched in practically every respect one can think of. … it relied on lists drawn up by the RUC Special Branch. There were 450 names on the lists, but only 350 of these rendered themselves available for internment. Key figures on the lists, and many who never appeared on them, were warned before the swoop began. The lists were weighted towards the Officials, who, despite being the more pacific of the two IRA wings, were regarded by MI5 as the more dangerous adversaries because of their Marxist orientation. Hence their potential was assessed in cold-war terms, rather than in an Irish context. The names included people who had been interned previously, or had been active in the IRA decades earlier, but who, despite Republican sympathies, were no longer active. They also included people who had never been in the IRA, including Ivan Barr, chairman of the NICRA executive, and Michael Farrell. What they did not include was a single Loyalist. Although the UVF had begun the killing and bombing, this organisation was left untouched, as were other violent Loyalist satellite organisations such as Tara, the Shankill Defenders Association and the Ulster Protestant Volunteers. It is known that Faulkner was urged by the British to include a few Protestants in the trawl but he refused.
The lists were so out of date that 104 people had to be released within forty-eight hours. … The army quite often simply picked up the wrong people, a son for a father, the wrong ‘man with a beard living at no. 47’ and so on. But by the time they were released, a number had suffered quite brutal treatment, as had those still detained … Internees were beaten with batons, kicked and forced to run the gauntlet between lines of club-wielding soldiers.
Coogan, Tim Pat. (1995) The Troubles: Ireland's ordeal 1966-1996 and the search for peace. London: Hutchinson. [Page 126]
Internment refers to the arrest and
detention without trial of people suspected
of being members of illegal paramilitary
groups. The policy of internment had been
used a number of times during Northern
Ireland's history. It was reintroduced on
Monday 9 August 1971 and continued in use
until Friday 5 December 1975. During this
period a total of 1,981 people were
detained; 1,874 were Catholic / Republican,
while 107 were Protestant / Loyalist.
The Unionist controlled Stormont
Government convinced the British Government
of the need, and the advantages, of
introducing internment as a means of
countering rising levels of paramilitary
violence. The policy proved however to be a
disastrous mistake. The measure was only
used against the Irish Republican Army (IRA)
and the Catholic community. Although
Loyalist paramilitaries had been responsible
for some of the violence no Protestants were
arrested (the first Protestant internees
were detained on 2 February 1973). The
crucial intelligence on which the success of
the operation depended was flawed and many
of those arrested had to be subsequently
released because they were not involved in
any paramilitary activity.
In response to internment the Northern
Ireland Civil Rights Association began a
campaign of civil disobedience which
culminated in a 'rent and rates strike' by
those in public sector houses. The Social
Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP) was
forced to end co-operation with the Northern
Ireland government. In addition many
commentators are of the opinion that
internment resulted in increased support,
active and tacit, among the Catholic
community for the IRA. The level of civil
unrest and the level of IRA violence surged.
While unionists would have initially welcomed the stronger security measures represented by internment they would perhaps have been less enthusiastic for the policy if they had foreseen the consequences for the Northern Ireland parliament.
1971
Thousands of Belfast shipyard workers
took part in a march demanding the
introduction of Internment for members of
the Irish Republican Army (IRA).
Internment
In a series of raids across Northern
Ireland, 342 people were arrested and taken
to makeshift camps. There was an immediate
upsurge of violence and 17 people were
killed during the next 48 hours. Of these 10
were Catholic civilians who were shot dead
by the British Army. Hugh Mullan (38) was
the first Catholic priest to be killed in
the conflict when he was shot dead by the
British Army as he was giving the last rites
to a wounded man. Winston Donnell (22)
became the first Ulster Defence Regiment (UDR)
solider to die in 'the Troubles' when he was
shot by the Irish Republican Army (IRA) near
Clady, County Tyrone. [There were more
arrests in the following days and months.
Internment was to continue until 5 December
1975. During that time 1,981 people were
detained; 1,874 were Catholic / Republican,
while 107 were Protestant / Loyalist.
Internment had been proposed by Unionist
politicians as the solution to the security
situation in Northern Ireland but was to
lead to a very high level of violence over
the next few years and to increased support
for the IRA. Even members of the security
forces
remarked on the drawbacks of
internment.]
During the 9 August 1971 and the early
hours of the 10 August Northern Ireland
experienced the worst violence since August
1969. [Over the following days thousands of
people (estimated at 7,000), the majority of
them Catholics, were forced to
flee their homes. Many Catholic
'refugees' moved to the Republic of Ireland,
and have never returned to Northern
Ireland.]
Four people were shot dead in separate
incidents in Belfast, three of them by the
British Army, as violence continued
following the introduction of Internment.
The Social Democratic and Labour Party
(SDLP) announced that it was starting a
campaign of civil disobedience in response
to the introduction of Internment. The SDLP
also withdrew their representatives from a
number of public bodies.
Over 8,000 workers went on strike in
Derry in protest at Internment. Joe Cahill,
then Chief of Staff of the Provisional Irish
Republican Army (IRA), held a press
conference during which he claimed that only
30 IRA men had been interned.
Approximately 130 non-Unionist
councillors announced their withdrawal from
participation on district councils across
Northern Ireland in protest against
Internment.
An inquiry into allegations of brutality
by the security forces against those
interned without trial was announced. [The
report of the inquiry, the Compton Report
was published on 16 November 1971.]
A statement on Internment, violence and
the ill-treatment of detainees was released
by the William Conway, then Catholic
Cardinal of Ireland, and six Bishops. In a
statement Cardinal Conway asked, 'Who wanted
to bomb one million Protestants into a
United Ireland?'
David Bleakley resigned as Minister of
Community Relations in protest over the
introduction of Internment and the lack of
any new political initiatives by the
Northern Ireland government.
It was estimated that approximately
16,000 households were withholding rent and
rates for council houses as part of the
campaign of civil disobedience organised by
the Social Democratic and Labour Party
(SDLP). The campaign was in protest against
Internment and had begun on 15 August 1971.
A group of five Northern Ireland Members
of Parliament (MPs) began a 48 hour hunger
strike against Internment. The protest took
place near to 10 Downing Street in London.
Among those taking part were John Hume,
Austin Currie, and Bernadette Devlin.
Tuesday 16 November
1971
The report of the Compton inquiry was
published.
Report of the enquiry into allegations
against the security forces of physical
brutality in Northern Ireland arising out of
events on the 9th August, 1971.
(November 1971; Cmnd. 4832). The report
acknowledged that there had been
ill-treatment of internees (what was termed
'in-depth interrogation) but rejected claims
of systematic brutality or torture.
The government of the Republic of
Ireland stated that it would take the
allegations of brutality against the
security forces in Northern Ireland to the
European Court of Human Rights.
1972
There was an anti-internment rally in
Belfast.
Seven men who were being held as
internees escaped from the prison ship HMS
Maidstone in Belfast Lough.
An anti-internment march was held at
Magilligan strand, County Derry, with
several thousand people taking part. As the
march neared the internment camp it was
stopped by members of the Green Jackets and
the Parachute Regiment of the British Army,
who used barbed wire to close off the beach.
When it appeared that the marchers were
going to go around the wire, the army then
fired rubber bullets and CS gas at close
range into the crowd. A number of witnesses
claimed that the paratroopers (who had been
bused from Belfast to police the march)
severely beat protesters and had to be
physically restrained by their own officers.
John Hume accused the soldiers of "beating,
brutalising and terrorising the
demonstrators".
There was also an anti-internment parade in
Armagh, County Armagh.
Frank Lagan, then Chief Superintendent
of the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC)
notified Andrew MacLellan, then Commander 8
Infantry Brigade, of his contact with the
Civil Rights Association, and informed him
of their intention to hold a non-violent
demonstration protesting against Internment
on 30 January 1972. He also asked that the
march be allowed to take place without
military intervention. MacLellan agreed to
recommend this approach to General Ford,
then Commander of Land Forces in Northern
Ireland. However Ford had placed Derek
Wilford, Commander of 1st Battalion
Parachute Regiment, in charge of the
proposed arrest operation. [The broad
decision to carry out arrests was probably
discussed by the Northern Ireland Committee
of the British Cabinet. Edward Heath, then
British Prime Minister, confirmed on 19
April 1972 that the plan was known to
British government Ministers.]
'Bloody Sunday'
The Northern Ireland Civil Rights
Association march against internment was
meant to start at 2.00pm from the Creggan.
The march left, late (2.50pm approximately)
, from Central Drive in the Creggan Estate
and took an indirect route towards the
Bogside area of the city. People joined the
march along its entire route. At
approximately 3.25pm The march passed the
'Bogside Inn' and turned up Westland Street
before going down William Street. Estimates
of the number of marchers at this point
vary. Some observers put the number as high
as 20,000 whereas the Widgery Report
estimated the number at between 3,000 and
5,000. Around 3.45pm most of the marchers
followed the organisers instructions and
turned right into Rossville Street to hold a
meeting at 'Free Derry Corner'. However a
section of the crowd continued along William
Street to the British Army barricade. A riot
developed. (Confrontations between the
Catholic youth of Derry and the British Army
had become a common feature of life in the
city and many observers reported that the
rioting was not particularly intense.
At approximately 3.55pm, away from the riot
and also out of sight of the meeting,
soldiers in a derelict building opened fire
(shooting 5 rounds) and injured Damien
Donaghy (15) and John Johnston (59). Both
were treated for injuries and were taken to
hospital. John Johnston died on 16 June
1972. Also around this time (about 3.55pm)
as the riot in William Street was breaking
up, Paratroopers requested permission to
begin an arrest operation. By about 4.05pm
most people had moved to 'Free Derry Corner'
to attend the meeting.
4.07pm (approximately) An order was given
for a 'sub unit' (Support Company) of the 1st
Battalion Parachute Regiment to move into
William Street to begin an arrest operation
directed at any remaining rioters. The order
authorising the arrest operation
specifically stated that the soldiers were
"not to conduct running battle down
Rossville Street" (Official Brigade Log).
The soldiers of Support Company were under
the command of Ted Loden, then a Major in
the Parachute Regiment (and were the only
soldiers to fire at the crowd from street
level).
At approximately 4.10pm soldiers of the
Support Company of the 1st
Battalion Parachute Regiment began to open
fire on the marchers in the Rossville Street
area. By about 4.40pm the shooting ended
with 13 people dead and a further 13 injured
from gunshots.
[Most of the basic facts are agreed, however
what remains in dispute is whether or not
the soldiers came under fire first. The
soldiers claimed to have come under
sustained attack by gunfire and nailbomb.
None of the eyewitness accounts of those
shot saw any gun or bomb being used. No
soldiers were injured in the operation, no
guns or bombs were recovered at the scene of
the shooting.]
The funerals of 11 of the dead of
'Bloody Sunday' took place in the Creggan
area of Derry. Tens of thousands attended
the funeral including clergy, politicians
from North and South, and thousands of
friends and neighbours. Throughout the rest
of Ireland prayer services were held to
coincide with the time of the funerals. In
Dublin over 90 per cent of workers stopped
work in respect of those who had died, and
approximately 30,000 - 100,000 people turned
out to march to the British Embassy. They
carried 13 coffins and black flags. Later a
crowd attacked the Embassy with stones and
bottles, then petrol bombs, and the building
was burnt to the ground.
A
report (Cmnd. 4901) was published by
a committee headed by Lord Parker on the
methods used by the security forces in to
interogate those interned. The methods
included: 'in-depth interrogation', hooding,
food deprivation, use of 'white noise' to
cause disorientation and sleep deprivation,
and being forced to stand for long periods
leaning against a wall with their
finger-tips. Two members of the committee,
including Lord Parker, held that the
techniques were justified. Lord Gardiner
disagreed.
Edward Heath, then British Prime
Minister, announced that the Stormont
Parliament was to be prorogued, and 'Direct
Rule' from Westminster imposed on Northern
Ireland on 30 March 1972. The announcement
was greeted with outrage from Brian Faulkner
and Unionist politicians. Edward Heath, then
British Prime Minister, made that
announcement. The main reason for the
suspension of Stormont was the refusal of
Unionist government to accept the loss of
law and order powers to Westminster.
[The legislation responsible for direct rule
was the
Northern Ireland (Temporary Provisions) Act.
Under the legislation a new Northern Ireland
Office (NIO) was established at Stormont
which was supervised by a new Secretary of
State for Northern Ireland, William
Whitelaw.]
[Whitelaw eases internment, gives political
status to prisoners because of Billy McKee's
hunger strike.]
'Operation Motorman'
4,000 extra troops were brought into
Northern Ireland to take part in the
dismantling of barricades on the boundaries
of 'no-go' areas. It turned out to be the
biggest British military operation since the
Suez crisis. 12,000 British troops supported
by tanks and bulldozers smashed through the
barricades. Two people, a Catholic teenager
and a member of the Irish Republican Army
(IRA), were shot by the British Army during
the operation in Derry. [The number of house
searches and the number of Catholics
interned were to increase over the coming
months.]
There was widespread and severe rioting
in Nationalist areas on the anniversary of
the introduction of Internment.
Monday 25 - Thursday 28 September 1972
A conference was held at Darlington, England
on the issue of devolution with
power-sharing. The Darlington meeting
consisted of the Ulster Unionist Party
(UUP), the Northern Ireland Labour Party
(NILP), the Alliance Party of Northern
Ireland (APNI), and William Whitelaw, then
Secretary of State for Northern Ireland. The
Social Democratic and Labour Party (SDLP)
refused to attend because of the continuing
operation of Internment. Some hard-line
Unionists also refused to attend. [There was
no agreement on the shape of any future
Northern Ireland government.]
Jack Lynch, then Taoiseach (Irish Prime
Minister), met Edward Heath, then British
Prime Minister.
The
report of the Diplock Committee was
published. The Committee had been looking at
possible changes to the legal procedures
used in cases arising out the conflict. The
report recommended that such cases should be
heard by a Judge of the High Court, or a
County Court Judge, sitting alone with no
jury. [These recommendations were included
in the 1973 Emergency Powers Act.]
1973
A member of the Irish Republican Army
(IRA) and 3 Catholic civilians were shot
dead by members of the British Army in
Belfast. Two Loyalists were detained, and
then subsequently interned (5 February
1973), because of their alleged involvement
in the killing of an innocent Catholic man.
Following their arrest a crowd of
approximately 2,000 marched in protest to
the Castlereagh Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC)
station to demand the release of the two
men.
Following a decision to intern two
Loyalists, suspected of the murder of a
Catholic man, there was a call for a general
strike under the auspices of the United
Loyalist Council (ULC) . [Although
Internment had been introduced on Monday 9
August 1971 and hundreds of Catholics /
Nationalists had been arrested and interned,
this was the first time that Protestants had
been held under the Detention of Terrorists
Order. This decision was to lead to a strike
by Loyalists and an upsurge in Loyalist
violence.]
Although a number of 'moderate' Unionist
politicians called on people not to heed the
call by the United Loyalist Council (ULC)
for a region wide strike, by the evening
cuts in the electricity supply began to
affect Belfast. [The ULC strike officially
began on 7 February 1973.]
1974
Merlyn Rees, then Secretary of Sate for
Northern Ireland, announces that he will
de-proscribe (remove the illegal status
from) the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) and
Sinn Féin (SF), and also phase out
Internment.
The Irish government brought a case of
torture against the British government to
the European Commission on Human Rights. The
case related to the treatment of Internees
held in Northern Ireland.
Máire Drumm, then Vice-President of Sinn
Féin (SF), said that SF was ready to talk
with representatives of the Ulster Workers'
Council (UWC). This statement followed an
offer by Andy Tyrie, then leader of the
Ulster Defence Association (UDA), to be
involved in negotiations with the Irish
Republican Army (IRA). [At this time there
were a number of areas of common interest
between Loyalist and Republican paramilitary
groups including the issues of Internment
and prisoners.]
Merlyn Rees, then Secretary of Sate for
Northern Ireland, announced at Westminster
that Internment would be gradually phased
out.
1975
Thursday 24 July 1975
Merlyn Rees, then Secretary of Sate for
Northern Ireland, announced that all those
interned without trial would be released by
Christmas.
End of Internment
The last 46 people who had been
interned without trial were released. The
end of Internment was announced by Merlyn
Rees, then Secretary of Sate for Northern
Ireland, who said that those found guilty of
crimes would be brought before the courts.
[During the period of Internment, 9 August
1971 to 5 December 1975, 1,981 people were
detained; 1,874 were Catholic / Republican,
while 107 were Protestant / Loyalist.]